GENERAL NEWS

Obama tells Africans to build democracy, create jobs to thrive

NEWS STORY

Source: Reuters

By Jeff Mason and Aaron Maasho

28 July 2015 - Barack Obama told African nations on Tuesday they needed to respect democratic rules and create jobs to avoid a slide into disorder.

In the first speech by a serving U.S. president to the 54-nation African Union, he said violence unleashed in Burundi by the president's bid for a third term in office showed the risks of ignoring constitutional rules.

"Africa is on the move, and a new Africa is emerging," he said at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, adding the continent's rapid economic growth was changing "old stereotypes" of a continent of war and poverty.

But he said there was an "urgent task" facing a continent whose 1 billion people will double in a few decades.

"Africa will need to generate millions more jobs than it is doing now," he said. "We need only look to the Middle East and North Africa to see that large numbers of young people with no jobs and stifled voices can fuel instability and disorder."

"Africa’s progress will also depend on democracy," he said, adding that jailing journalists or restricting legitimate opposition groups led to "democracy in name, but not in substance".

Obama said leaders should stick to the rules and the African Union should put pressure on leaders to stick to limits.

"I don't understand why people want to stay so long, especially when they have got a lot money," Obama said, drawing laughter from an audience on a continent often known for politics of "Big Men" accused of siphoning off state funds.

Noting that he was in his second term and could not serve again, even though he thought he could win a vote, Obama said: "I’m looking forward to life after being president."

Obama's speech wound up a tour of Kenya, his father's homeland, and Ethiopia, a once famine-stricken nation which is on course to deliver 10 percent growth this year.

Throughout his trip, he has spoken of security cooperation with states battling Islamist militants in Somalia, democratic development and trade with a continent, which since 2009 has done more trade with China than America.

In an apparent swipe at China, without mentioning any country, he said the United States offered a partnership that "can’t simply be about building countries’ infrastructure with foreign labor or extracting Africa’s natural resources".

China has built huge amounts of infrastructure across Africa, including a new metro snaking across Addis Ababa.

But Africans have increasingly accused Chinese firms of using expatriate labor and sucking out commodities without adding value. China insists it is also a partner in development.

While in Ethiopia, Obama held talks with regional African leaders on the conflict in South Sudan. The U.S. president called for tougher measures against the world's newest nation if its warring factions failed to reach a peace deal by Aug. 17.

He repeated that threat in his speech, while also calling on leaders of the Central African Republic, another nation struggling with conflict, to respect elections later this year.

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DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

Joseph Kabila Forever: The dangers of an extended presidency in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

OPINION

Source: Human Rights Watch (https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/07/28/joseph-kabila-forever-dangers-extend...)

Kinshasa, 28 July 2015 - Joseph Kabila, the president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, faces a historic choice: Does he step down when his constitutionally limited two terms in office come to an end in December 2016, or does he succumb to the delusion of indispensability that is making the rounds in parts of Africa and try to cling to power?

The issue is the subject of intense debate in Congo. When we met with Kabila last week in Kinshasa, he pointed out — correctly — that he has not yet publicly stated his position about what he will do in 2016. “Let’s wait and see what will happen,” he cautioned. But he has done little to stem intense speculation about his possible reluctance to relinquish office.

If Kabila chooses to abide by the constitution, he would become the first Congolese president to step down voluntarily for another elected president — arguably making him the “father of democracy” in Congo. That would be a major step forward for a nation that suffered brutal colonial rule under King Leopold II of Belgium, decades of post-colonial dictatorship under Mobutu Sese Seko, and then years of deadly war in which a constellation of rebel groups and armies from nine African states battled on Congolese soil.

Kabila came to power in 2001 at the age of 29, following the assassination of his father, Laurent Désiré Kabila. He is not without his accomplishments in office. Under his leadership, Congo has emerged from the dark years of war, and he led a transitional government that in 2006 brought about the country’s first democratic elections in more than 40 years, which he won. With mixed success, he has sought to stabilize the eastern part of the country, which has been plagued by armed groups that continue to kill, rape, and pillage, and he has sought to end the impunity that underwrites these atrocities. His government asked the International Criminal Court to investigate the crimes committed in Congo and has surrendered more suspects to that court than any other government in the world.

His “zero tolerance” policy toward sexual violence by security forces — announced two days after we encouraged him to take this step at a meeting in the eastern Congolese city of Goma in 2009 — has led to a spate of domestic prosecutions and a notable reduction in complaints about rape by government soldiers. And in late 2013, he succeeded in ridding eastern Congo of the last of a succession of abusive Rwandan-sponsored rebel groups that operated in the region for 15 years.

Yet if Kabila chooses to try to hang on to power, his reputation will be tarnished not only by the failure to respect the unamendable constitutional two-term limit but also by the likelihood of a violent and abusive chain reaction. To envision how a downward spiral of protest and violent repression might unfold in Congo over a disputed extended presidential term, one need look no further than neighboring Burundi, where President Pierre Nkurunziza’s insistence on a constitutionally questionable third term has yielded the deadly suppression of mass protests.

In January, when Kabila’s government attempted to change the electoral law to enable extending his time in office, thousands of people took to the streets of Congo’s major cities to protest. Government security forces responded with violence and repression, killing at least 38 protesters in Kinshasa and five in Goma, and jailing — and sometimes beating and torturing — politicians and activists who were seen to challenge the idea of an extended presidency.

Why might Kabila want to stay past his mandate? Beyond the perks of power, many assume that he fears for himself and his family. For example, in our meeting, he raised the specter of Congo’s first democratically elected leader, Patrice Lumumba, who was executed after an apparently Western-backed coup. “Have I been successful? I don’t know. Lumumba is the real father of democracy, and he was assassinated.”

Moreover, according to political insiders and investigative journalists, the Kabila family has amassed a considerable fortune, which could make them vulnerable to future investigations. Plus, Kabila in 2016 would be only 45 years old; those close to him say he has no desire to leave Congo, but there is no Congolese precedent of a former president assuming an elder statesman role of the sort played by South Africa’s Nelson Mandela or Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo.

Yet Kabila has little room to maneuver. A broad consensus has emerged in the country that a formal third presidential term is constitutionally impossible, so Congolese speak instead of a possible “glissement” — the use of some pretext to allow the prescribed limits for his second term to “slide.” The pretext might be intensifying armed conflict in the east, making the prospect of genuinely national elections difficult. It might be the seemingly deliberate lack of preparations for elections: little of the budget has been funded, and no steps have been taken to register more than 5 million youth who have come of age since the last national election in 2011. Or it might be the government’s insistence on proceeding with complicated plans to subdivide the country’s 11 provinces into 26 and then hold local and provincial elections before national ones — a sequencing that could lead to significant glissement.

But it’s hard to imagine how any of these scenarios would buy Kabila more than another year or two in office. That would accomplish little for him, while significantly undermining his interests. Prosecutors, for example, would be far less likely to proceed against a former president who is respected for having reinforced the foundation of Congolese democracy by handing power to a newly elected leader in timely fashion, than one who oversaw intensifying rounds of brutality against a public that seemed clearly to want a constitutionally mandated handover of power. A tumultuous period of repression would also make it less likely that Kabila’s endorsement of a friendly successor would succeed — another option that might help Kabila safeguard his interests.

We made these arguments to him directly in our meeting last week, but the president was coy in answering them: “Why are you trying to anticipate what will happen?”

He was more responsive when we stressed the importance of allowing people to protest and criticize the government, especially in an electoral period, though he hedged his commitment to democratic principles: “People want to hold demonstrations and protests, good enough. But if the idea is to go beyond free protests and create mayhem and anarchy, that’s completely unacceptable.” We noted that democracy can be messy yet, short of violence, shouldn’t be equated with anarchy. He let the point hang.

Kabila put a special stress on the need to ensure stability. “The issue in Congo is about stability. Stepping down — anyone can step down.” But, again, it’s far from clear how a contested extension of his term in office coupled with likely protest and repression would contribute to Congo’s stability.

Kabila has proposed a national dialogue to iron out electoral questions. If he were to state clearly his intention to relinquish office at the appointed time and indicate that the dialogue would discuss only the modalities for the next round of elections consistent with the constitution, Congolese would most likely welcome the opportunity. But in his typically cryptic fashion, he has left people speculating that dialogue might be just another ploy for glissement.

That we left our meeting with Kabila cordially suggests that the arguments we made are not beyond the pale. He listened politely and even joked: “You say ‘father of democracy.’ You’re not the first one to say this and you won’t be the last.” But he gave no indication that he accepted or rejected our suggestions. He simply asked: “As for my future, continue to pray for me.” For the sake of democracy’s future in Congo, we can only hope Kabila understands that his personal interest, not to mention his country’s, lies in accepting, rather than abusively fighting, the limits that the Congolese constitution so clearly impose.

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BURUNDI

Burundi's ruling party urges constitution amendment to allow formation of gov't of unity

NEWS STORY

Source: Xinhua

Bujumbura, 28 July 2015 - The Burundian ruling party Monday requested the East African Community (EAC), which is participating in the facilitation of the Burundian crisis, to understand the need for a constitution amendment for the formation of a government of unity.

"The National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) requests the EAC's understanding of the need to amend the national constitution in order to be able to implement the recommendations of setting up a government of national unity," said CNDD-FDD Chairman Pascal Nyabenda in a congratulatory message. He sent the message Monday evening to President Pierre Nkurunziza after his re-election for a third term as the east African country's president on July 21.

In his message, Nyabenda said, "The amendment of the national constitution would help avoid the resurgence of the 2005 scenario when Nkurunziza integrated other political parties in the government with good faith, but the opposition rejected it, claiming that it was unconstitutional."

"The CNDD-FDD party reiterates its commitment to respect the principles of democracy, freedom, transparency and inclusiveness in elections and urges the international community to support the government in order to go forward towards liberty," Nyabenda said in the message.

On July 21, Burundi held a controversial presidential poll boycotted by main opposition groups that argued that the climate was not favorable for holding credible and inclusive elections.

Main opposition groups had been saying that Nkurunziza's third term bid was a violation of the Arusha Agreement and the Burundian Constitution, but the Constitutional Court earlier in May issued a ruling saying that Nkurunziza's 2005-2010 term should not be considered as a term because he was elected by the parliament and not directly by citizens.

Protests against Nkurunziza's third term bid left more than 80 killed since April 25, when the Burundian ruling party designated Nkurunziza to run for the presidential election.

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UGANDA

Uganda: Prime minister guarantees democratic election as President Museveni announces candidacy

NEWS STORY

Source: International Business Times

By Ludovica Iaccino

27 July 2015 - Uganda's prime minister has assured the country will hold a free and democratic presidential election in 2016 as President Yoweri Museveni announced he would run for another term after 30 years in power.

Ruhakana Rugunda made the comment as Museveni released a song promoting his electoral campaign after his party, National Resistance Movement, agreed to be represented by him in the 2016 election.

"The people of Uganda should expect a free, peaceful and democratic election that will give them their leaders for the president, parliament and district level and to the grassroots," Rugunda said in a statement.

The government has been accused of persecuting political opponents after former prime minister Amama Mbabazi and Kizza Besigye, the leader of the main opposing party – Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), were arrested earlier in July, after announcing their candidacy.

Both politicians, who were released shortly after, are former allies of Museveni and now believe the president should step aside and give space to other potential leaders.

"[T]here are laws that govern meetings around this time of elections, and all we are saying is that these laws should be respected by the candidates when they are consulting with the population," Rugunda was quoted by Voice of America as saying.

Referring to a voters list recently compiled by the electoral commission to avoid frauds, Rugunda said: "Without any doubt, this is going to be the best voters register ever produced in Uganda. It will have not only photographs, but other biometric parameters that can be used to ensure the voter is indeed the voter, and nobody is trying to cut out fraud and around elections."

Changes to the constitution

Museveni has been in power since 1986. The first presidential election since he came to power was held in 1996. In 2001, after Museveni was elected for the second time, his allies started a campaign aiming to loosen presidential terms and allow the leader to run for a third term in the 2006 election.

The constitution was changed amid local and international outrage, with critics accusing the leader of seeking life